Hanilgalbat (also spelled Hanigalbat, Khanigalbat) was a kingdom in northern Syria. The name was also used as a geographical term for the area between the Khabur and Euphrates rivers in Neo-Assyrian times.
No native sources for the history of Hanilgalbat have been found so far. The account is mainly based on Assyrian official documents, some private correspondence, and Hittite and Egyptian sources. This is bound to give a biased view. The chronology of the middle-Assyrian period is badly known: Often it is not even possible to establish synchroneity between the rulers of different countries and cities, let alone give uncontested absolute dates.
Hanilgalbat, Mitanni/Maitani and Hurri
The definition and history of Hanilgalbat is beset by a lack of differentiation between linguistic, ethnic and political groups.
Hittite annals mention a people called "Hurri", located in north-eastern Syria. The annals of the Hittite king Hattusili I, unfortunately only known from later copies, mention an enemy from the city (determinative) of "Hurri". It has been speculated that this determinative might have been used instead of KUR, country. Probably, the original form of the name was "Hurla". The Akkadian version of the text gives "Hurri" as Hanilgalbat, which is also the name the Assyrians used. They used the term "Mitanni" only at the very end of the Middle Assyrian era, after the end of Hanilgalbat as a political entity.
Egyptian sources apply the term 'nhr', Naharina (from the Akkadian word for 'river'). The name "Mitanni/Maitani" is first found in the "memoirs" of the Syrian wars (ca. 1480) of Amememhet who lived at the time of Amenhotep I (1517 - 1496 BC) and maybe his two successors.
To complicate matters, a agglutinating Hurrite and a Mitanni language that is believed to belong to the Indo-European language family have been reconstructed from rather scarce sources. A Hurrian passage in the Amarna-letters, normally composed in Babylonian, the lingua franca of the day, shows that the Royal family of Hanilgalbat spoke Hurrian.
Bearers of names in the Hurrian language are attested in wide areas of Syria and the northern Levant that are clearly outside the area of the political entity known as Hanilgalbat. There is no indication that these persons felt as members of a Hurrite people or owed allegiance to the political entity of Hanilgalbat, although the term "Auslandshurriter" (Hurrian expatriats) has been used by some German authors. In the 14th century BC there were numerous city-states in northern Syria and Palestine ruled by persons with names in the Hurrian language. If this can be taken to mean that the population of these states was Hurrian as well, then it is possible that these entities were a part of a larger political entity with a shared Hurrian identity. This is often assumed, but without a critical examination of the sources. Differences in dialect and regionally different pantheons (Hepat/Shawushka, Sharruma/Tilla etc.) point to the existence of several groups of Hurrian speakers.
Therefore, this entry is restricted to the political entity called Hanilgalbat by its Assyrian enemies.
Extent of the kingdom
Hanilgalbar was located in Northern Syria, extending from Nuzi (modern Kirkuk) and the river Tigris in the east to Aleppo and middle Syria (Nuhashshe) in the west. Its centre was in the Khabur valley, with two capitals: Taidu, and Washshukanni, which is called Ushshukana in the Assyrian sources. The whole area allows agriculture without artificial irrigation, cattle, sheep and goats were raised. It is very similar to Assyria in climate.
The area was settled by both Hurrian and Amoritic-speaking (amurru) populations.
As early as Akkadian times, Hurrians are known to have lived east of the river Tigris on the northern rim of Mesopotamia and in the valley of the Khabur. Hurrians are mentioned in the private Nuzi-texts, in Ugarit and the Hittite archives in Hattushsha. Cuneiform texts from Mari mention rulers of city-states in upper Mesopotamia with both Amurru (Amorites) and Hurrian names. Rulers with Hurrian names are attested for Urshum and Hashshum , for example. Tablets from Alalakh (layer VII, from the later part of the old-Babylonian period) mention people with Hurrian names at the mouth of the Orontes. There is no evidence for any invasion from the North-east. Generally, these onomastic sources have been taken as evidence for a Hurrian expansion to the South and the West.
A Hittite fragment, probably from the time of Mursili I, mentions a King of the Hurrians (LUGAL ErÍn.MESH 'Hurri'). This terminology was last used for King Tushratta of Hanilgalbat in a letter in the Amarna archives. This text can be taken as evidence for the existence of a Hurrian state, as opposed to a purely linguistic assignation of enemy people. The normal title of the king was 'King of the Hurri-men' (without the determinative KUR indicating a country).
It is believed that the warring Hurrian tribes and city states were united under one dynasty after the collapse of Babylon (due to the Hittite sack by Mursili I in 1595 BC and the Kassite invasion), the Hittite conquest of Aleppo (Jamchad), the weak middle Assyrian kings and the internal strifes of the Hittites had created a power vacuum in upper Mesopotamia. This led to the formation of the kingdom of Hanilgalbat.
Hanilgalbat was not destined to hold its lands uncontested. One on hand, the territory between the upper Euphrates and the Tigris had been the target of Hittite expansion since the time of Hattusili I. On the other, following the defeat of the Hyksos, Egyptian rulers tried to regain the territories they had held intermittently in northern Syria since perhaps as early as the Old Kingdom. The rise of the Hittites and dynastic conflicts weakened Hanilgalbat, which led to its eventual submission to a resurgent Assyria.
Shaushtatar, king of Hanilgalbat sacked Assur sometime in the 15th century and took the silver and golden doors of the Royal palace to Washshukanni. This is known from a Hittite document, the Suppililiuma-Shattiwazza treaty. There are no Assyrian sources describing this event. Kühne thinks that Shaushtatar's campaign fell into the reign of Assur-nadin-ahhe I , whom he replaced by Enlil-Nasir II (1430-1425). The names of these kings are known from the Assyrian list of kings. While this interpretation is plausible, it lacks any independent corroboration. This would put Saushtatar's assumption of the throne of Hanilgalbat around 1400 BC (S. Loyd gives 1460). Nuzi seems to have been incorporated into Hanilgalbat under Shaushtatar as well. The palace of the crown-prince, the governor of Arapha has been excavated. A letter from Shaushtatar was discovered in the house of Shilwe-Teshup. His seal shows heroes and winged geniuses fighting lions and other animals, as well as a winged sun . This style with a multitude of figures distributed over the whole of the available space is taken as typically Hurrian. A second seal, belonging to Shuttarna, but used by Shaushtatar, found in Alalakh, shows a more traditional Akkadian style
The military superiority of Hanilgalbat was probably based on the use of two-wheeled war-chariots, driven by the 'Marjannu'-people. A text on the training of war-horses, written by a certain Kikkuli has been found in the archives recovered at Bogazköy (Hattusa).
After the sack of Assur, Assyria may have paid tribute to Hanilgalbat up to the time of Ashur-uballit I (1365-1330 BC). There is no trace of that in the Assyrian king lists, therefore it is probable that Assur never had a governor from Hanilgabat but was ruled by a native Assyrian dynasty that owed allegiance to the house of Shaushtatar. During the rule by Hanigalbat, the temple of Sin and Shamash was built in Assur.
Already under Ahmose, Egypt tried to gain territory in Palestine, Ahmose led some campaigns in the southern Levant. Thutmose I (1493-1481) led campaigns in northern Syria as well (ca. 1500 according to another chronological system). At that time, the territory of Hanilgalbat is thought to have included the former Hittite vassals states of Aleppo, Alalakh, Ama'u and Kizzuwatna , the latter located between the Taurus and Amanus mountains (Cilicia. About 1490 BC, Egyptian troops reached 'nhr', Hanigalbat. A battle between the pharao and an unnamed king of Hanilgalbat was fought near Aleppo, which resulted in an Egyptian victory. Thutmose I marched on to the Euphrates and erected a border stone.
King Barattarna is known from a cuneiform tablet in Nuzi and an inscription by Idrimi of Alalakh. Egyptian sources do not mention his name, that he was the king of 'nhr' Thutmose III fought against can only be deduced from the synchroneity with Idrimi. If Parsha(ta)tar, also known from a Nuzi inscription, is an alternative spelling of P/Barattarma or another king is debated.
It was under the rule of Thutmose III that Egyptian troops were to cross the Euphrates and to enter the core-lands of Hanilgalbat. In 1450 he fought an alliance of 330 Syrian princes and tribal leaders under the ruler of Kadesh at Megiddo. Hanilgabat had sent troops as well. Wether this was done because of existing treaties, an actual rule in this area or only in reaction to a common threat remains open to debate. The Egyptian victory opened the way north. Thutmose III again waged war in Syria in the 33rd year of his rule (1447 BC). The Egyptians crossed the Euphrates at Karchemish and reached a town called Iryn (maybe present day Erin, 20 km northwest of Aleppo. The Egyptian army sailed down the Euphrates to Emar (Meskene) and then returned home via Syria. A hunt for elephants at the Lake of Nija was important enough to be included in the annals. This was impressive PR, but did not lead to any permanent rule. Only the area at the middle Orontes and Phoenicia became part of the Egyptian territory.
Victories over Mitanni are recorded from 1445, Egyptian campaigns in Nuhashshe (middle part of Syria) in 1442. Again, this did not lead to permanent territorial gains. Parattama or his son Shaushtatar controlled the North Syrian interior up to Nuhashshe, and the coastal territories from Kizzuwatna to Mukish in the kingdom of Alalakh at the mouth of the Orontes. Idrimi of Alalakh, returning from Egyptian exile could only ascend his throne with Barattama's consent. While he got to rule Mukish-Ama'u.Ni'i, Aleppo remained with Hanilgalbat.
If we accept Kühne's short chronology, the sacking of Assur would have taken place around 1400, that is, Shaushtatar II would really be Shaushtatar I. Most scholars seem to favour a longer chronology, though.
Under Amenhotep II Hanilgalbat seems to have re-gained influence in the middle Orontes-valley that had been conquered by Thutmose III. Amenhotep fought in Syria in 1425, presumably against Hanilgalbat as well, but did not reach the Euphrates. Later on, Egypt and Hanilgalbat became allies, King Shaushtatar himself was received at the Egyptian court. Amicable letters, sumptuous gifts and letters asking for sumptuous gifts were exchanged (Hanilgalbat was especially interested in Egyptian gold). This culminated in a number of Royal marriages, when the princesses Gilu-Hepat (Kilughépa), daughters of Shaushtatar II and Tatu-hepat (Tadughépa) daughter of Tushratta both married Amenhotep III, Tatu-hepat to Amenhotep IV as well after the death of her first husband. Some scholars have tried to identify Tatu-Hépat as Néfertiti, wife of Akhenaton. Peaceful relations were to continue under Thutmose IV. When Amenhotep III fell ill, the king of Hanilgalbat sent him a statue of the Goddess Ishtar of Niniveh that was reputed to cure diseases. A more or less permanent border between Egypt and Hanilgalbat seems to have existed near Qatna, at the coast, Ugarit was part of the Egyptian territory.
The reason Hanilgalbat sought peace with Egypt may have been trouble at the Western border. A Hittite ruler called Tudhalija conducted campaigns against Kizzuwatna, Arzawa, Isuwa (on the upper Euphrates), Aleppo, and maybe against Hanilgalbat itself. The chronology of the period is confused, as there seem to have been two or even three rulers of the name of Tudhalija, and it is often not clear to which of these the sources refer. Kizzuwatna may have fallen to the Hittites at that time.
Artassumara followed his father on the throne, but was murdered by a certain UD-hi.
Tushratta had been placed on the throne by UD-hi after the same had murdered his brother, He was probably quite young at the time and destined to serve as a figurehead only. But he managed to dispose of the murderer, maybe with the help of his Egyptian father-in-law.
At the beginning of the rule of the Hittite King Suppiluliuma I, Kizzuwatna under the local ruler Shunashshura had been under Hittite control. It seceded from Hatti, but was re-conquered by Suppiluliumas. In what has been called his first Syrian campaign. Suppiluliumas then invaded the western part of the Euphrates valley and conquered the Amurru and Nuhashshe in Hanilgalbat.
According to the Suppiluliuma-Shattiwazza treaty, Suppiluliuma had made a treaty with Artatama, a rival of Tushratta. Nothing is known of Artatama's previous life or connection, if any, to the Royal family. He is called king of the Hurri, while Tushratta goes by the title of King of Mitanni. This must have disagreed with Tushratta. Suppiluliuma started to plunder the lands of the west bank of the Euphrates river and he annexed Mount Lebanon. King Tushratta threatened to raid beyond the Euphrates if even a single lamb or kid was stolen.
Suppiluliuma then recounts how the land of Isuwa on the upper Euphrates had seceded in the time of his grandfather. Attempts to conquer it failed. In the time of his father, other cities rebelled. Suppiluliumas claims to have defeated them, but the survivors fled to the territory of Isuwa that must have been part of Hanigalbat. A clause to return fugitives is part of many treaties between sovereign states and between rulers and vassal states, so possibly the harbouring of fugitives by Isuwa formed the pretext for the Hittite invasion. A Hittite army crossed the border, entered Isuwa and returned the fugitives (or deserters or exile governments) to Hittite rule. "I freed the lands which I captured; they dwelt in their places. All the people whom I released rejoined their peoples and Hatti incorporated their territories."
The Hittite army then marched through various districts towards Washshunikanni. Suppiluliumas claims to have plundered the district and to have brought loot, captives, cattle, sheep and horses back to Hatti. He also claims that Tushratta fled, but obviously, he failed to capture the capital. While the campaign weakened Hanigalbat, it did not endanger its existence. In a second campaign, the Hittites again crossed the Euphrates and subdued Halab, Mukish , Niya, Arahati , Apina , Qatna as well as some cities whose names have not been preserved. Charioteers are mentioned among the booty from Arahati, who were brought to Hatti together with all their possessions. While it was common practice to incorporate enemy soldiers in the army, this might point to a Hittite attempt to counter the most potent weapon of Hanilgalbat, the war-chariots, by building up or strengthening their own chariot forces.
All in all, Suppiluliuma claims to have conquered the lands "from Mount Lebanon and from the far bank of the Euphrates". But Hittite governors or vassal rulers are mentioned only some for cities and kingdoms. While the Hittites made some territorial gains in western Syria, it seems unlikely that they established a permanent rule east of the Euphrates.
Tushratta had possibly suspected Hittite intentions on his kingdom, for the Amarna letters include several tablets from Tushratta concerning the marriage of his daughter Tadukhipa with Akhenaten, explicitly to solidify an alliance with the Egyptian kingdom (EA 17). However, when Suppiluliumas invaded his kingdom, the Egyptians failed to respond in time - perhaps because of the sudden death of Akhenaten, and the resulting struggle for control of the Egyptian throne.
A son of Tushratta conspired with his subjects and killed his father in order to become king. His brother Shattiwazza was forced to flee. In the following unrest, Assyrians and Alsheans invaded the country, and the rival ruler Artatama/Atratama I gained ascendancy, followed by his son Shuttarna II. Suppiluliuma claims that "the entire land of Mittanni went to ruin and the land of Assyria and the land of Alshi divided it between them", but this sounds more like wishful thinking. Shuttarna maintained good relations with Assyria and gave the palace doors of Assur that had been taken by Shaushtatar back to Assyria. Such booty formed a powerful political symbol in ancient Mesopotamia.
The fugitive Shattiwazza may have gone to Babylon first, but eventually ended up at the court of the Hittite king, who married him to one of his daughters. The treaty between Suppiluliumas of Hatti and Shattiwazza of Mitanni has been preserved and is one of the main sources on this period. After the conclusion of the Suppiluliuma-Shattiwazza treaty, Piyassili, a son of Suppiluliuma led a Hittite army into Hanilgalbat. According to Hittite sources, Piyashshili and Shattiwazza crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish, then marched against Irridu in Hurrite territory. They sent messengers from the west bank of the Euphrates and seemed to have expected a friendly welcome, but the people were loyal to their new ruler, influenced, as Suppiluliuma claims, by the riches of Tushratta. “Why are you coming? If you are coming for battle, come, but you shall not return to the land of the Great King!” Shuttarna had sent men to strengthen the troops and chariots of the district of Irridu, but the Hittite army won the battle and the people of Irridu sued for peace.
Meanwhile, an Assyrian army "led by a single charioteer" marched on Washshukanni. It seems that Shattuara had sought Assyrian aid in the face of the Hittite threat. Possibly the force sent did not meet his expectations or he changed his mind. In any case, the Assyrian army was refused entrance and set to besiege the capital. This seems to have turned the mood against Shuttarna, perhaps the majority of the inhabitants of Washshunikanni felt they were better off with the Hittite Empire than with their former subjects. Anyway, a messenger was sent to Irridu to Piyassili and Shattiwaza, who delivered his message in public (at the gate of the city). Piyassili and Shattiwaza marched on Washshukanni, and the cities of Harran and Pakarripa seem to have surrendered to them. While they were at Pakarripa, in a desolate country where the troops suffered hunger, they received word of an Assyrian advance, but the enemy never materialised. The allies pursued the retreating Assyrian troops to Nilap_ini, but could not force a confrontation. The Assyrians seem to have retreated back home in the face of the superior force of the Hittites.
Shattiwazza became king of Hanilgalbat, but must have been quite dependent on his Hittite allies. Some scholars speak of a Hittite puppet kingdom, a buffer-state against Assyria. After the Hittite king Suppililiuma had taken Carchemish and the land west of the Euphrates, that were governed by his son Piyassili, Hanilgalbat was restricted to the Khabur and Balikh valleys and became more and more dependant of Hatti. Assyria under Ashur-uballit I began to infringe on Hanilgalbat as well. Its vassal state of Nuzi, east of the Tigris was conquered and destroyed.
The royal inscriptions of Adad-nirari I (c. 1307-1275) relate how King Shattuara of Hanilgalbat rebelled and committed hostile acts against Assyria. How this Shattuara was related to the dynasty of Partatama, and how Hanilgalbat came under Assyrian control is unclear. Some scholars think that he was the second son of Artatama II, the brother of Shattiwazza's one-time rival Shuttarna. Nothing is known of any involvement of Enlil-nârâri and Arîk-den-ili, Assur-uballit's successors on the throne of Assyia in the affairs of Hanilgalbat. Adad-nirari claims to have captured King Shattuara and brought him to Assur, where he took an oath as a vassal. Afterwards, Shattuara was allowed to return to Hanilgalbat, where he paid regular tribute. This must have happened during the reign of the Hittite King Mursili II, but there is no exact date.
Despite the Assyrian strength, Shattuara's son Wasashatta rebelled. He sought Hittite help, but as that kingdom was preoccupied with internal struggles, possibly connected with the usurpation of Hattusili III, who had driven his nephew Urhi-Teshup into exile, the Hittites took Wasashatta's money but did not help, as Adad-nirari's inscriptions gleefully note. The Assyrians conquered the Royal city of Taidu, and took Washshushikannu, Amasakku, Kahat, Shuru, Nabula, Hurra and Shuduhu, as well. They conquered Irridu, destroyed it utterly and sowed a salt-plant over it. The wife, sons and daughters of Wasashatta were taken to Assur, together with lots of loot and other prisoners. As Wasashatta himself is not mentioned, he must have escaped capture. There are letters of Wasashatta in the Hittite archives. Some scholars think that he became ruler of a reduced Hanilgalbat called Shubria . While Adad-nirari conquered the core of Hanilgalbat between the Balikh and the Khabur, he does not seem to have crossed the Euphrates, and Carchemish remained part of the Hittite kingdom. With his victory over Hanilgalbat, Adad-nirari claimed the title of Great-King (sharru rabû) in letters to the Hittite rulers, who still did not consider him as an equal.
During the early years of the reign of Shalmaneser I (1270s-1240s) King Shattuara II of Hanilgalbat, a son or nephew of Wasahatta rebelled against the Assyrian yoke with the help of the Hittites and the nomadic Ahlamu around 1250 B.C. His army was well prepared, they had occupied all the mountain passes and waterholes, so the Assyrian army suffered from thirst during their advance.
Nevertheless, Shalmanesar won a crushing victory. He claims to have slain 14,400 men, the rest were blinded and carried away. His inscriptions mention the conquest of nine fortified temples, 180 Hurrian cities were "turned into rubble mounds", Shalmanesar "…slaughtered like sheep the armies of the Hittites and the Ahlamu his allies…". The cities from Taidu to Irridu were captured, as well as all of mount Kashiar to Eluhat and the fortresses of Sudu and Harranu to Carchemish on the Euphrates. Another inscription mentions the construction of a temple to Adad in Kahat, a city of Hanilgalbat that must have been occupied as well.
A part of the population was deported and served as cheap labour. Administrative documents mention barley allotted to "uprooted men", deportees from Hanilgalbat. For example, the governor of the city Nahur, Meli-Sah received barley to be distributed to deported persons from Shuduhu "as seed, food for their oxen and for themselves". The Assyrians built a line of frontier fortifications against the Hittites on the Balikh.
Hanilgalbat was now ruled by the Assyrian grand-vizier Ili-ippada , a member of the Royal familiy, who took the title of king (sharru) of Hanilgalbat. He resided in the newly built Assyrian administrative centre at Tell Sabi Abyad , governed by the Assyrian steward Tammitte. Assyrians maintained not only military and political control, but seem to have dominated the trade as well, as no Hurrian names appear in private records of Shalmanesar's time.
Hanilgalbat as an Assyrian Provinve
Under Tukulti-Ninurta I (c. 1243-1207) there were again numerous deportations from Hanilgalbat to Assur, probably in connection with the construction of a new palace. As the Royal inscriptions mention an invasion of Hanilgalbat by a Hittite king, there may have been a new rebellion or at least native support of a Hittite invasion. The Assyrian towns may have been sacked at this time, as destruction levels have been found in some excavations, which can't be dated with such precision, however. Tell Sabi Abyad , seat of the Assyrian government in the times of Shalmanesar was deserted somewhere between 1200 and 1150 B.C.
In the time of Assur-nirari III the Mushku and other tribes invaded Hanilgalbat and it was lost to Assyrian rule. The Hurrians still held Katmuhu and Paphu.
With the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, Hanilgalbat became fully Aramaized. In the inscriptions of Adad-nirari II, Assurbanipal II and Shalmaneser III, Hanilgalbat is still used as a geographical term, probably as a conscious archaism.
- Shuttarna I, son of Kirta
- (P/B)Arat(t)ama (spelling unclear)
- Parsha(ta)tar, maybe identical with above, father of Shaushtatar
- Artatama I
- Shuttarna II (son of Artatama I)
- Artashshumara (brother of Tushratta)
- Shattiwaz(z)a, son of Tushratta
--unknown dynastic connection
- Wasashatta, his son, deposed by Adad-nirari I
- Shattuara II, son or nephew of Wasashatta – defeated by Shalmaneser I
- Amasakku, location unknown
- Harranu, fortress
- Hurra, maybe near Mardin
- Irridu/Irrite, between Carchemish and Harran, maybe Ordi or Tell Bender
- Kahat, Tell Barri on the Jaghjagh
- Nabula, Girnavaz near Nusaybin
- Nuzi/u (Arrapha), Jorgan Tepe near Kirkuk
- Shuduhu, maybe in the Khabur-area
- Shuru, maybe Savur at the northern rim of Tur-'Abdin
- Sudu, fortress
Taidu, Royal city, location unknown
- Tell Sabi Abyad , seat of the Assyrian governor (Assyrian name unknown)
- Urkesh, Tell Mozan in northern Syria, Hurrian capital of the late 3rd Millennium
Washshukanni, Ushshukana, on the upper Khabur, maybe Tell Fecheriye or Tell Hamukar
- Nuzi, excavated by an American expedition under R.F.S. Starr, 1930s.
- Tell Fecheriye
- Tell Rimah, Sindjar
- Tell Sabi Abyad , currently being excavated by a Dutch team
- E. Gaal, "The economic role of Hanilgalbat at the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian expansion." In: Hans-Jörg Nissen/Johannes Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Orient vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 1 (Berlin, Reimer 1982), 349-354.
- Amir Harrak, "Assyria and Hanilgalbat. A historical reconstruction of the bilateral relations from the middle of the 14th to the end of the 12 centuries BC." Studien zur Orientalistik (Hildesheim, Olms 1987).
- C. Kühne, "Politische Szenerie und internationale Beziehungen Vorderasiens um die Mitte des 2. Jahrtausends vor Chr. (zugleich ein Konzept der Kurzchronologie). Mit einer Zeittafel." In: Hans-Jörg Nissen/Johannes Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Orient vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 1 (Berlin, Reimer 1982), 203-264.
- R. F. S. Starr, Nuzi (London 1938).
- Weidner, "Assyrien und Hanilgalbat". Ugaritica 6 (1969)
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